In the segment above she reminds me of Lewis Black. Watch her hands. Like Black, those are the gestures of someone who’s genuinely angry. She’s not just angry though. She’s on a mission. (Re her mission, see Item #1.)
The understanding is supposed to be that the troops serve on whatever mission is ordered, and the government doesn’t order them to risk their lives for a political folly.
– Unknown
On May 11 Paul Waldman had a piece in The American Prospect, Should We Relitigate the Iraq War in the 2016 Campaign? You Bet We Should. In it he offered a list of questions for 2016 presidential candidates. I noted it at the time. Waldman’s questions force the issue of how the candidate would act on what they do know and how they would deal with uncertainty. His questions are forward-looking – and that should be a good thing. Unfortunately, we don’t appear to be ready for it. If we were then statements to the effect of “knowing what we know now…” re Iraq would be immediately called out as bullshit by everyone within earshot. They are not. Today James Fallows summed up concisely why saying “knowing what we know now…” is bullshit:
The “knowing what we know” question presumes that the Bush Administration and the U.S. public were in the role of impartial jurors, or good-faith strategic decision-makers, who while carefully weighing the evidence were (unfortunately) pushed toward a decision to invade, because the best-available information at the time indicated that there was an imminent WMD threat.
That view is entirely false.
The war was going to happen. The WMD claims were the result of the need to find a case for the war, rather than the other way around.
I treat neoliberalism as a governing rationality through which everything is “economized” and in a very specific way: human beings become market actors and nothing but, every field of activity is seen as a market, and every entity (whether public or private, whether person, business, or state) is governed as a firm. Importantly, this is not simply a matter of extending commodification and monetization everywhere—that’s the old Marxist depiction of capital’s transformation of everyday life. Neoliberalism construes even non-wealth generating spheres—such as learning, dating, or exercising—in market terms, submits them to market metrics, and governs them with market techniques and practices. Above all, it casts people as human capital who must constantly tend to their own present and future value.
Actually, it gets much worse than just banning (or attempting to ban) words. They act to suppress inquiry in general and the collection of potentially inconvenient information in particular. It was bad before the 2014 election.
Barney Frank was on Radio Boston today discussing the TPP. As usual, he was very sharp. He understands both the significance of the TPP and the value of making deals with the opposition party. His suggestion: Get some legislative concessions from Republicans now in exchange for supporting the TPP because you’re not going to get any concessions from them once the TPP passes. Conditional support for the TPP is leverage. Use it.
Many of the choices we make as a culture – as a society – disappoint me. We could do much better than we’ve done. That stated, I hold out hope that future generations will make better choices than my generation and our predecessors have and that they will be able to improve upon the world we leave them.
I was running errands today and happened to hear a few minutes of Salman Rushdie’s keynote address at Emory University’s Commencement. His speech captured both my frustrations and my hopes. Hold out for the last minute and a half:
How do [you] view the extraordinary propaganda campaign the Bush administration launched to convince Americans to get behind the war?
Does that make [you] want to be careful about how [your administration would] argue for [its] policy choices?
Did Iraq change [your] perspective on American military action, particularly in the Middle East?
What light [do the lessons learned from the war] shed on the reception the American military is likely to get the next time we invade someplace?
What does it teach us about power vacuums and the challenges of nation-building?
How [do the lessons learned from the war] inform [your] thinking on the prospect of military action in Syria and Iran specifically?
Given the boatload of unintended consequences Iraq unleashed, how would [you], as president, go about making decisions on complex issues that are freighted with uncertainty?
Number 7 is of particular interest to me. “If I knew then what I know now…” is all well and good but how will the candidate approach complex issues where there’s inherent uncertainty? Do they acknowledge downside risk? If so then how do they try to get a handle on it?